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Saturday, 23 February 2013

Fwd: My Journey From Palestine to Hollywood By Emad Burnat

February 22nd, 2013 7:34 PM

My wife and I had seen that look before -- on the faces of our kids, mostly. After all, like all Palestinian children living in the West Bank, ours have grown accustomed to the humiliation of ID checks and interrogations.

But we had never seen our youngest son, Gibreel, as disappointed as he was on Tuesday, when American immigration officials threatened to deny us entry to the United States and to the 85th Academy Awards for which we had traveled two days to attend.

As my friend and fellow filmmaker Michael Moore, who intervened to help secure my entry, tweeted after the episode: "Apparently the Immigration & Customs officers couldn't understand how a Palestinian could be an Oscar nominee."

Well, I am an Oscar nominee. But more to the point, my film, 5 Broken Cameras -- which chronicles my village Bil'in's nonviolent struggle to resist Israeli occupation -- is about precisely the kind of humiliation my family and I experienced at Los Angeles International Airport. The only difference is that the victims where I come from number in the millions, and our stories have become so routine that what happened to my family and me yesterday pales by comparison.

That's because, on any given day, there are more than 500 Israeli checkpoints, roadblocks, and other obstacles to movement throughout the West Bank -- an area less than 2 percent the size of California on which some 2.5 million Palestinians live under a ubiquitous system of repression.

In my film, which I co-directed with Israeli Guy Davidi, you can see this repression up close.

You can see construction of what leaders of conscience (like Archbishop Emeritus Desmond Tutu) have called an "apartheid" wall -- separating us from our land and providing cover for Jewish-only colonies to steal our resources. You can see my village's children shoved around by grown men in fatigues and armor. You can see unarmed civilians, including Israeli peace activists, being shot by occupation soldiers. And you can see that our response -- the Palestinian response -- has been dignified, nonviolent, and determined.

Above all, though, you can see just how ordinary these scenes have become for Palestinians. That ordinariness is why so many of us from Bil'in have been shocked by the film's success. People I never imagined I would ever meet -- actors, politicians, legendary musicians -- have told me how moved they were by it and, inevitably, how they "had no idea things were that bad" for Palestinians.

The truth is, they're far worse. Don't take it from me. Listen to Americans like former President Jimmy Carter or author of The Color Purple Alice Walker, who have spoken out about the injustices they have seen firsthand in Palestine.

Like them, the Americans who have seen my film and witnessed the effects of Israel's occupation have been moved to stand with us. Not against Israel, but on the side of Israelis and Palestinians who understand that the true meaning of peace, as the great American civil rights leader Martin Luther King, Jr. once wrote, is not the absence of tension, but the presence of justice.

As I was being questioned at LAX, members of the Academy were gathering for an event organized in honor of this year's nominees for best documentary. I had been invited, and when word got around that I had been detained, the group insisted on foregoing dinner until I arrived. Their solidarity reminded me of another King quote -- that "injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere."

Acting on that principle, my dinner companions that night held fast for a farmer and his family from a little village in Palestine. Such acts of decency and moral courage, more than the pronouncements of politicians or pundits -- or the fear-driven acts of immigration officials -- are what will bring true peace to the Holy Land.

Emad Burnat, who co-directed the feature-length documentary 5 Broken Cameras, is in Hollywood this week to attend the 85th Academy Awards. Emad appeared on HuffPost Live this week to discuss his detention by Homeland Security at LAX:



'Joint Israel-West Bank' reality is an apartheid state

 

Former Foreign Ministry director-general invokes South Africa comparisons

If Obama intends to ignore the looming ‘apartheid cliff’ on his visit, he’d be better off staying home, adds Alon Liel, who also served as Israel’s envoy to Pretoria

 

As long as there is no Palestinian state and Israel rules over the West Bank, Israel is a de facto apartheid state, a former top Foreign Ministry official said Wednesday, using a highly contentious term usually employed only by radical anti-Israel activists.

Alon Liel, a former Foreign Ministry director-general and ex-ambassador to South Africa, also called on President Barack Obama to stay home if he didn’t intend to warn Israelis about the dangers of an approaching “apartheid cliff.”

“In the situation that exists today, until a Palestinian state is created, we are actually one state. This joint state — in the hope that the status quo is temporary — is an apartheid state,” Liel said at a Jerusalem conference about whether Israel is or could become an apartheid state.

“As someone who knows the original apartheid well, and also knows the State of Israel quite well – I was born here, grew up here, served and fought for it for 30 years — someone like me knows that Zionism isn’t apartheid and the State of Israel that I grew up in wasn’t an apartheid state,” Liel emphasized.

“I’m here today because I came to the conclusion that the occupation of the West Bank as it exists today is a sort of Israeli apartheid,” said Liel. “The occupation became a hump on the back of Zionism; it has now become the hump of the State of Israel.”

There is a real danger of Israel’s occupation of the West Bank becoming an integral part of the state, he said. “When that happens, when the West Bank and [Israel in the pre-1967 lines] become one, and the Palestinian residents of the West Bank will not have citizenship — we’re apartheid,” he said.

Similarities between the “original apartheid” as it was practiced in South Africa and the situation in Israel and the West Bank today “scream to the heavens,” added Liel, who was Israel’s ambassador in Pretoria from 1992 to 1994. There can be little doubt that the suffering of Palestinians is not less intense than that of blacks during apartheid-era South Africa, he asserted.

‘You cannot come to an area that exhibits signs of apartheid and ignore them. That would simply be an unethical visit’

 

Addressing Obama’s upcoming Middle East visit, Liel said that just as Americans feared the so-called fiscal cliff a few months ago, they and Israelis should be aware of an Israeli apartheid cliff.

 

“If you, President Obama, intend to come here for a courtesy visit — don’t come. Don’t come! We don’t need you here for a courtesy visit,” Liel said. “You cannot come to an area that exhibits signs of apartheid and ignore them. That would simply be an unethical visit. You yourself know full well that Israel is standing at the apartheid cliff. If you don’t deal with this topic during your visit, the responsibility will at the end of the process also lie with you.”

 

Wednesday’s remarks were not the first time that Liel — who served as the ministry’s director-general from November 2000 to April 2001 — has condemned Israel’s policies vis-à-vis the Palestinians. Last summer, he told The Times of Israel that he supports cultural boycotts of Israel and that he himself started boycotting goods produced in the West Bank three years ago to protest the lack of progress in the peace negotiations.

 

http://www.timesofisrael.com/joint-israel-west-bank-reality-is-an-apartheid-state/

 

Friday, 22 February 2013

Palestinian Solidarity Allicance event - Port Elizabeth 3rd March 2013

Dear Comrades, we greet you with the universal greeting of peace "Assalaamu alaikum" ...a prayer of peace from us to you

 

Remember to join us in Port Elizabeth for The Amazing Race: From PE to Palestine. The 2km fun footrace around the Parkside-GelvanPark area is ideal for the whole family, whether you are a fitness fanatic or a lazy stroller. It will start at the Movement Hall and you will receive clues and instructions as you race on foot from one checkpoint to another. (See the rules below highlighted in yellow) So challenge your neighbours, friends and colleagues to enter and see which team can complete the race first!

 

But if you would prefer to sleep in you will not be missing out on any of the fun because the Movement Hall will be packed with stalls from 8am-6pm. Don't worry about Sunday lunch, give mom a break and pick up lunch at the hall. Some of our stalls include:

Mince, Chicken & Mutton Curry Rootis,

Tikka Chicken,

Curry & Rice,

Burgers,

Wors Rolls,

Hot Chips,

Steak & Chicken Schwarmas,

Chicken Wraps,

Corn in a Cup and LOADS MORE.

Don't forget to also purchase your morning koeksisters & coffee and afternoon cake & tea!

 

Spoil yourself and your family at the wide variety of fashion and homeware stalls. These include:

Fashion clothing, shoes, bags & accessories,

Designer Islamic wear,

Islamic fashion & accessories,

Health & Beauty,

Kitchenware and Baking Goods,

Household Detergents & Gadgets,

Baby Fashion clothes, shoes & accessories,

Arts & Crafts,

Pyjamas & Undergarments, AND SO MUCH MORE!

And ladies come get your mendhi done while the kids get their faces painted!

 

Palestinian Movies will be screened FOR FREE from 10am onwards throughout the day for your edutainment!

 

 

So join us for a day of fun as we come together for a good cause.

Funds raised will be going towards the South African Friends of Palestine Convoy to Palestine.

 

To enter the race or for more information contact: worldunite4palestine@gmail.com

 

Join on our Facebook Event page: https://www.facebook.com/events/552369944787889/?fref=ts

 

The Amazing Race rules are as follows:

·  Teams have to consist of minimum of 2 up to a maximum of 8 people.

·  The entry fee is R20 per person. Payment must be made on the morning of the race.

·  Competitors have to complete the route on foot so wear comfortable walking shoes and a hat.

·  Competitors have to complete all tasks as explained in the instructions and clues.

·   If a task is incomplete or if a team does not follow the instructions, a 5 minute penalty will be added to the team’s finishing time for each indiscretion.

·  At the end of the race teams have to submit all the clues/instructions they collected along the way.

·  The first 3 teams to arrive will receive prizes.

·  All competitors will receive a gift for participating.

 

Come and show your solidarity with the Palestinian cause, your presence counts!

 

Please share this information with all you know.

 

Thank you, Dankie, Enkosi Kakulu, Shukran.

 

Yours in activism

 

The Palestinian Solidarity Alliance in Port Elizabeth

 

1 HEART - 1 GOAL - FREE PALESTINE

 

Monday, 11 February 2013

Unilever shuts down Ariel settlement factory


Unilever fully withdraws factory from West Bank

 

United Civilians for Peace released the following statement:

British-Dutch multinational Unilever has informed Dutch NGO United Civilians for Peace (UCP) that the company no longer operates two production lines of daughter company Beigel and Beigel. Beigel and Beigel is a snack food factory, established in Barkan, the industrial zone of the Israeli settlement Ariël in the occupied West Bank. The production lines have been transferred to Unilever's plant in Safed, behind the Green Line in Israel proper.

UCP expresses its content for the fact that Unilever, after years of hesitation, finally came to terms. From 2006 onward UCP has urged the company to withdraw Beigel and Beigel from the occupied territories. UCP stresses that dialogue and pressure from society have prevailed in bringing the British-Dutch giant towards its decision. Unilever will now serve as an example for each and other company [involved in the illegal West Bank business].

"Unilever's decision is a clear message to the Israeli government that international businesses will back off from its settlement policy. UCP has always stressed that 'no justice can result from unjustice', and that Unilever's decision was both justified and unavoidable" – says UCP spokesman Guido van Leemput. "It will serve as the ultimate example for other Dutch and multinational companies to give up their interests in and with the settlements."

Original Post:

Multinational global giant Unilever confirmed Monday that as of January 1, 2013 its snack and pretzel factory located in the Barkan industrial zone of the Ariel settlement is no longer operational. The company has withdrawn the production line of its subsidiary, Beigel and Beigel, and transfered it to a plant in Safed, Israel on the other side of the Green Line.

The announcement comes just four days after UN fact finding mission issued a blockbuster report calling on governments and companies to terminate business interests in the settlements. Unilever claims the move is a result of "pure business motives'.


Beigel&Beigel Ariel WB, Palestine (Photo:WhoProfits)
 

Regardless of the motives the significance of this decision can not be underestimated. Unilever, a UK and Dutch company headquartered in Rotterdam, Netherlands, is the third-largest consumer goods company in the world measured by 2011 revenues. 

The Dutch group United Civilians for Peace (UCP) began pressuring Unilever over their Barkan factory in 2006. Two years later in 2008 the French supermarket group Carrefour and British department store Harrods boycotted the snacks andUnilever announced it would divest from Beigel and Beigel but that didn't happen.

The UN report released last Thursday calls for companies and governments to "assess the human rights impact of their activities" and end any connection to the settlements:

117. Private companies must assess the human rights impact of their activities and take all necessary steps – including by terminating their business interests in the settlements – to ensure they are not adversely impacting the human rights of the Palestinian People in conformity with international law as well as the Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights. The Mission calls upon all Member States to take appropriate measures to ensure that business enterprises domiciled in their territory and/or under their jurisdiction, including those owned or controlled by them, that conduct activities in or related to the settlements respect human rights throughout their operations. The Mission recommends that the Human Rights Council Working Group on Business and Human Rights be seized of this matter.

http://mondoweiss.net/2013/02/unilever-settlement-production.html

 

 

Monday, 28 January 2013

JOINT MEDIA STATEMENT: South African agricultural company severs Israeli relations



In a move being celebrated as a South African boycott-of-Israel breakthrough, Karsten Farms, a leading South African agricultural company backed by one of South Africa's primary finance bodies, the Industrial Development Corporation, has severed its relations with the Israeli cooperative, Hadiklaim, and has also undertaken not to enter into any future relations with anyIsraeli entity complicit in the illegal Israeli Occupation of Palestine. This is the first time that a South African company has adopted such a legal undertaking.

Early last year, South African human rights organizations, lead by the Palestine Solidarity Alliance (PSA) and BDS South Africa, launched a consumer campaign against Karsten Farms due to its trade relations with Israel's Hadiklaim - an Israeli company operating, against international law, in the illegal Israeli settlements.

This week, after almost a year of campaigning, in a letter to BDS South Africa via their lawyers, Werksmans Attorneys, Karsten Farms undertook: "Not to enter into any trade relations with Hadiklaim for the current harvest year of 2013 and not have any business relations with them [Hadiklaim] in the future."

In addition, and in a breakthrough move, Karsten Farms also undertook: "Not to enter into any trade relations with any Israeli company and/or entity within the occupied/illegal settlement areas of Israel".

Siphiwe Thusi of the Palestine Solidarity Alliance welcomed the news: "This is the first time that a South African company has taken the legally as well as ethically correct decision not to trade with Israeli companies complicit in the illegal Israeli Occupation of Palestine. Karsten Farms has indeed set a precedent for other South African businesses and companies to follow. This is a breakthrough not only for the boycott of Israel but also for ethical and good business practice."
 
Thusi, added that "the call for the consumer boycott of Karstens products has now ended by virtue of their legal undertakings" however he also cautioned that "the Palestine Solidarity Alliance and BDS South Africa will be monitoring the situation and if any new Israeli relations, even if via third parties, were to be formed, the boycott campaign against Karsten Farms would be re-launched, and intensified."
 
In 2005 Palestinians issued a call to the international community for a program and campaign of boycott, divestment and sanctions (BDS) to be applied against Israel as a non-violent method to pressure Israel to end its violations of international law, respect Palestinian human rights and engage in fair negotiations for a just peace.
 
Since 2005, Israel has suffered from a significant cultural boycott and an increasing economic boycott. In April 2012, the UK's fifth largest food retailer, the Co-Op, became one of the first companies in the world to adopt a boycott of Israeli companies complicit in the illegal settlements and occupation of Palestine. A few months later, in the United States, the 220th General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church, comprising of over 2 million members, voted to boycott Israel's Hadiklaim - the same company that Karsten Farms has now severed links with. Israel has subsequently passed a law, the "anti-boycott law", allowing those that call for economic, cultural or academic boycotts against Israel to be sued and fined.
 
JOINT PRESS STATEMENT ISSUED BY MUHAMMED DESAI FOR THE PALESTINE SOLIDARITY ALLIANCE AND BDS SOUTH AFRICA



BOYCOTT, DIVESTMENT AND SANCTIONS IN SOUTH AFRICA (BDS SOUTH AFRICA)
Office 915 | 9th Floor | Khotso House | 62 Marshall Street | Johannesburg
PO Box 2318 | Houghton | 2041 | Johannesburg
T:  +27 (0) 11 492 2414 | M:  +27 (0) 84 211 9988 | F: +27 (0) 86 650 4836
W: www.bdssouthafrica.com | E: administrator@bdssouthafrica.com
www.facebook.com/bdssouthafrica | www.twitter.com/bdssouthafrica

BDS South Africa is a registered Non-Profit Organization. NPO NUMBER: 084 306 NPO
BDS South Africa is a registered Public Benefit Organisation with Section 18A status. PBO NUMBER: 930 037 446


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New book by Tel Aviv historian uncovers "Land of Israel" myths


New book by Tel Aviv historian uncovers "Land of Israel" myths

Asa Winstanley 

London 

The Electronic Intifada 

28 January 2013

130122-invention-land-israel.jpg

Shlomo Sand is a history professor at Tel Aviv University. His charismatic, readable style was evident in his previous book The Invention of the Jewish People, the English edition of which kicked up quite a controversy in 2009. The title alone seemed designed to shock.

But in fact Sand was arguing a fairly banal truism: there is no such thing as a unified, national "Jewish people." As a globalized religious community (due to proselytizing before the rise to power of Christianity in the fourth century) there are instead multiple different Jewish communities across the world.

A Jew from Yemen would have no distinctive secular points of reference in common with a Jew from France, Russia or Poland. For example: before Zionist reinvention from the end of the 19th century, Hebrew was a purely liturgical language. Jews from different countries naturally spoke in local languages.

That book was a fascinating journey through centuries of Jewish history, much of it swept under the carpet by Zionist historiography. Sand's new book, The Invention of the Land of Israel, is essentially a direct sequel, focusing on the nature of an idea central to Zionism: the "Land of Israel" — Eretz Israel in Hebrew.

Sand explains that in Israel, "in the Hebrew-language edition of foreign books, the word 'Palestine' is systematically replaced with the words Eretz Israel … Even when the writings of important Zionist figures such as Theodor Herzl, Max Nordau, Ber Borochov and many others [who also used 'Palestine'] … are translated into Hebrew" (23).

Holy land or homeland?

In the Hebrew Bible (known to Christians as the Old Testament), the geographic area roughly corresponding to the land of Palestine (between the River Jordan and the Mediterranean Sea) is mostly called the "land of Canaan." The area "never served as a homeland for the 'children of Israel,' and for this reason, among others, they never refer to it as 'the Land of Israel.'" Most Israelis, Sand argues, are not aware that the term is not found in the the Hebrew Bible "in its inclusive meaning" of a wide geographic area (86).

Later Jewish religious law "does feature the debut of the term 'Land of Israel'" but, Sand explains, this was a "holy land" rather than a "homeland" (102). Most Jews did not seek to live there. Philo of Alexandria, a first century Jewish philosopher, lived in Egypt — right next to Palestine. He could have moved to Jerusalem, since both regions were under Roman rule — but instead, like most people, he chose to live and die in his original homeland (96).

Furthermore this Eretz Israel was traditionally considered by mainstream Judaism to be so holy the devout were positively forbidden to move there (183). Even pilgrimage was a rare, and later phenomenon. Between the years 134 and 1099, "we know of no attempts by the followers of rabbinical Judaism to make pilgrimages to the holy city" of Jerusalem (123).

All this stands in stark contrast to the 1948 Israeli Declaration of Independence which claims that "the Jewish people … never ceased to pray and hope for their return." In contrast to this "mythos," Sand writes: "most of the world's Jews … did not regard Palestine as their land … they did not strive 'in every successive generation to reestablish themselves in their ancient homeland'" (175).

Ever-shifting borders

"Settlement Zionism, which borrowed the term 'Land of Israel' from the Talmud, was not overly pleased with the borders it had been assigned by Jewish law … extending only fromAcre to Ashkelon … [it was] not sufficiently contiguous to serve as a national homeland," argues Sand (214).

He then reviews the history of the ever-shifting definition in Zionist thought of where exactly its "Land of Israel" is — something undeclared till this day.

Early Zionists drew on God's promise in the book of Genesis to give the mythical patriarch Abram's children "this land, from the river of Egypt unto the great river, the river Euphrates" in modern day Iraq.

In 1897, the same year as the first Zionist congress, Israel Belkind ("the first practical Zionist") drew a map: "'The Jordan splits the Land of Israel in two different sections,' asserted Belkind, whose assessment was subsequently adopted by most [Zionist] settlers of the period" (216).

For the future first prime minister of Israel David Ben Gurion, these borders "were too expansive and untenable, while the borders of the Talmudic commandment were too narrow." In 1918 he gave his own take: "In the north — the Litani River, between Tyre and Sidon [in Lebanon] … In the east — the Syrian Desert. The eastern border of the Land of Israel should not be precisely demarcated … the Land's eastern borders will be diverted eastwards, and the area of the Land of Israel will expand" (217).

Not for nothing were the borders of the new state unmentioned in its declaration of independence (233).

Incendiary

Ben Gurion later scaled back this conception, but even mainstream Labor Zionist figure as Yigal Allon would still at times refer to the whole of historic Palestine as the "western Land of Israel" as late as 1979 (237).

There's also a brilliant chapter on the origins of Christian Zionism in the protestantism of nineteenth-century British imperialists.

Sand stops short of calling for implementing the right of return for Palestinian refugees. His concluding chapter is a history of al-Sheikh Muwannis, the Palestinian village that Israel ethnically cleansed in 1948 and in place of which his own university now stands. Unfortunately, he counterposes removing the university, on the one hand, with the Palestinian refugees never being able to return en masse, on the other — as if those are the only two options (280).

It's a useful book for debunking Zionist myths, which, due to the legacy of Protestant Christian Zionism in the west are surprisingly resilient. But as Sand's slightly flaky post-Zionist politics demonstrates, a more realistic knowledge of history doesn't not necessarily translate fully to a rights-based understanding of the Palestinian plight.

Still, there is much to enjoy and learn in the evidence in the potentially incendiary material he assembles here.

Asa Winstanley is an associate editor with The Electronic Intifada, and a journalist in London who has also worked in Palestine.

 

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